We conclude that these two motivations are not necessarily mutually exclusive, but that both are consistent with the idea of instantaneous grammaticalisation through substrate influence in creole genesis. The plausible link between the two functions is the semanticisation of an invited inference from ‘event about to occur’ to ‘event to be avoided’. The possibility of independent grammaticalisation cannot, however, be excluded, since parallel developments of temporal markers to apprehensive markers are attested in a number of geographically distant and unrelated languages. In fact we show that the apprehensive function of 'bambai' is more widely distributed in pidgin and creole languages of Australia and the Pacific than previously assumed, which could even point, potentially, to an earlier development in Australia. Apprehensive markers are also found in languages which could have influenced the precursor pidgins in New South Wales and Queensland as they expanded northwards towards the Northern Territory. The first is plausible insofar as dedicated apprehensive markers are a common trait in Australian languages, including in those that are currently in contact with Kriol and/or have previously been considered potential substrate languages, such as in the account of creolisation for Roper Kriol by Munro (2004). We consider two potential motivations for this functional extension: substrate in"uence and independent grammaticalisation. This use is considered an extension from the temporal/sequential function of this particle that is widespread in creole languages of the Pacific, including Kriol. a main clause modal marker indicating that an event will potentially occur but is undesirable, with associated pragmatics of warning or threat. by Peter Stockwell.The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the use of the Kriol particle 'bambai' as an apprehensive, i.e. Trask, Language and Linguistics: The Key Concepts, 2nd ed., ed. The result is a creole, and the children who create it are the first native speakers of the creole." (R.L. This happens when the children in a community have nothing but a pidgin to use with other children, in which case the children take the pidgin and turn it into a real language, by fixing and elaborating the grammar and greatly expanding the vocabulary. Third, and most dramatically, it can be turned into a mother tongue. Second, it can remain in use for generations, or even centuries, as has happened with some west African pidgins. This has happened to Hawaiian pidgin, now almost entirely displaced by English, the prestige language of Hawaii. First, it may eventually drop out of use. "There are several possible fates for a pidgin.What we know about the history and origins of existing creoles suggests that this may happen at any stage in the development of a pidgin." (Mark Sebba, Contact Languages: Pidgins and Creoles. "A creole comes into being when children are born into a pidgin-speaking environment and acquire the pidgin as a first language.Most pidgins are structurally simple, although if used over many generations, they do evolve, as do all languages (Aitchison, 1983 Sankoff & Laberge, 1973)." (Erika Hoff, Language Development, 5th ed., Wadsworth, 2014) "ore than 100 pidgin languages are currently in use (Romaine, 1988).pidgin languages survive today in territories which formerly belonged to the European colonial nations, and act as lingua francas for example, West African Pidgin English is used extensively between several ethnic groups along the West African coast." (David Crystal, English As a Global Language. In time, most pidgin languages disappear, as the pidgin-speaking community develops, and one of its established languages becomes widely known and takes over the role of the pidgin as the lingua franca, or language of choice of those who do not share a native language." (Grover Hudson, Essential Introductory Linguistics. "At first a pidgin language has no native speakers and is used just for doing business with others with whom one shares the pidgin language and no other.
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